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The seduction of the laneways: making Melbourne a 'world city'
The seduction of
the laneways: making Melbourne a ‘world city’
Pamie Fung
Introduction
My initial interest in Melbourne’s
laneways was sparked by a television advertisement produced for City Council’s That’s Me!bourne promotion in which an
‘average’ suburban Melbournian is given an urban makeover in the laneways. The images of the city and its lanes in the
advertisement foregrounded fantasies of transformation and desire, and were
appealing in many ways. Often described
with words such as ‘funky’, ‘European’, ‘stylish’ and ‘mysterious’, the lanes
of Melbourne are seen as spaces of enchantment, quaint beauty, cosmopolitanism
and sophisticated leisure. Furthermore,
they are frequently touted as a unique part of Melbourne’s urban identity. Nonetheless, the advertisement raised the
question for me as to whether we were being interpellated into middle-class
dreams of leisure and sophistication.
The currency and popularity of images of Melbourne laneways as seductive
raises many questions about the production and consumption of such images and
how people are seen to experience the city.
What are the desires and identities that are being produced in the
consumption of these seductive images of laneways? Whose desires are represented in such
images? What might be the politics and
processes of construction behind these images?
Melbourne’s laneways are spaces in which cosmopolitan consumption
practices are enacted. Through the cultivation
of its lanes and ‘laneway culture’, Melbourne has also sought to cultivate its
reputation as cosmopolitan, a ‘world city’.
The
development of the laneways and their appeal
Melbourne’s laneways originated as a
by-product of Surveyor General Robert Hoddle’s grid. The grid provided the foundational layout of
the city in the early nineteenth century (Bates 1994). The wide main streets characteristic of the
grid created necessary lanes and little streets, which serviced the residential
and business properties housed on the large blocks of land (Brown-May 2005, pp.
400-1). The lanes have functioned as
walkways, delivery and rear access points.
Their use by pedestrians is premised on knowledge of the city and the
shortcuts and thoroughfares away from the bustle of the main streets. By the 1840s and 1850s, due to the discovery
of gold and the flow of immigrants into Melbourne, the city’s laneways
increasingly became associated with marginalised ethnic populations living in
the surrounding quarters, and an environment that included overcrowding, poor
sanitation and criminal behaviour (Daly 1994).
As John Arnold and artist Tony Irving (2001, p. 4) have noted, however,
the laneways’ ‘sometimes seedy history has added rather than detracted from
their appeal’; for Melbournians, apparently, the lanes have always ‘held an air
of mystery and romance about them’ (Arnold & Irving 2001, pp. 4, 2).
The seductive imagery surrounding
Melbourne’s lanes has further developed within the context of more recent
initiatives to protect the city’s heritage and develop its business and leisure
precincts. Redevelopments in the city in
the 1970s and 1980s saw the demolition of existing buildings along the Collins
Street and Latrobe Street area to make way for the construction of large retail
and office buildings such as Melbourne Central (Davison 1991; Daly 1994). The destruction of these existing buildings,
which were widely claimed as having significant character, and the subsequent
loss of the lanes surrounding them, sparked initiatives to protect Melbourne’s
‘laneway heritage’ and urban character (Daly 1994). At the same time, the city was undergoing
what is referred to as the ‘doughnut syndrome’; people commuted to the city in
the daytime for work but returned to their suburban homes in the evenings (City
of Melbourne & Gehl Architects 2004).
As part of initiatives to draw people
into the city, Melbourne City Council’s ‘Postcode 3000’ strategy was launched,
which was aimed at increasing inner-city residential living. This has been a largely successful initiative
and many of Melbourne’s older buildings located in laneways are occupied now as
inner-city homes. Other strategies were
also implemented, such as the ‘24 Hour City’ initiative, which aimed at
developing the city’s night life. It
supported the increased establishment of bars in Melbourne’s lanes by providing
cheaper liquor licences (City of Melbourne & Gehl Architects 2004). Jenny Rayment (2005), a Senior Urban Designer
for the Melbourne City Council who has been involved in the promotion and redevelopment
of the lanes, describes laneways as ‘funky, stylish, intimate, evocative,
quirky and full of unexpected delights’.
Against this backdrop, the seductive imagery surrounding laneways and
the cultural practices within them have developed to become a significant
aspect of Melbourne’s identity and a significant asset to the revival and
prospects of the central city.
The romanticisation of Melbourne’s
lanes and the construction of a particular laneway experience raises many
questions about the production and consumption of such images and how people
are seen to experience the city. Certain
desires and identities are being produced for consumption within the laneway
image. What these images are, what they
mean, and who is being represented by and within them can be interrogated
through an examination of promotional television shows, advertisements and the
place-making strategies of the City Council, all of which build-up the hype and
fantasy surrounding Melbourne’s lanes.
Marketed as internationally appealing and a truly iconic Melbourne experience,
laneways have been transformed and consumed as part of civic desires for
Melbourne to be counted as one of the world cities.
Postcards and That’s Me!bourne:
just a lane away from sophistication...
A recent special episode of the
television guide to Victoria, Postcards
– Secrets of Melbourne (2005),
showcased a range of cosmopolitan cultural practices found within the city’s
lanes, little streets and arcades. In
this episode, local celebrity guides travel through Melbourne to sample the
culture of the lanes. Host Steve Jacobs
experiences ‘Melbourne’s coffee culture’ with the Italian proprietor of
Pellegrini’s café, they travel into the lanes and little streets of Degraves
Street and Centre-Place to sample the best of Italian espresso coffee culture. Popular Melbourne celebrity Livinia Nixon
follows with a segment introducing fashion in the lanes. Nixon’s image is given a make-over with a
‘bohemian look’ by a fashion expert and laneway clothier who tells her that she
‘looks very global’. Two other members
of the Postcards team end the show by
introducing Melbourne’s ‘laneway bar culture’; they sample cocktails,
international beers and dine on Japanese cuisine in places ‘which speak
class’. Watching this special episode of
Postcards, we are invited to view the
lanes as places of sophistication and culture, which, to use the words of
Nixon, combine to ‘make Melbourne a world class city’ and ‘truly a city that
has it all’.
If Melbourne is a city that ‘has it
all’, what part do the laneways play in this vision? In Postcards,
Melbourne’s identity is presented, through picturesque snapshots of the city’s
lanes and little streets, as a multitude of places available for
consumption. They are a hub for
cosmopolitan consumption practices that can enrich and transform the guides -
giving them (and others interested in becoming acquainted with laneway culture)
an international flavour. At one level,
the cafes, bars, shops and restaurants featured in Postcards represent what Ghassan Hage (2000, p. 111) has described
as the ‘safe and domesticated otherness available for consumption’. These safe elements of otherness – the
Italian coffee, Japanese cuisine and European fashion – are, as David Ley
(1996, p. 317) notes, ‘uprooted signifiers [which] constitute a pastiche,
or better a collage of stylistic epigrams…they tempt the boundless appetite of
the global flaneur: you can have it all’.
What the laneways are then seen to
offer is more particular; it is a cosmopolitanism of the city, or what Hage
(2000) distinguishes as the difference between ‘multiculturalism and
cosmo-multiculturalism’.
Cosmo-multiculturalism is centred on recognising the value and
worthiness of other cultures through middle-class, globe-trotting consumption
habits. What is problematic about it, is
that it has been increasingly used to eclipse the history of working-class
centred multiculturalism in Australia.
Hage (2000, p. 111) further describes cosmo-multiculturalism as:
neat, middle-class, aestheticised
multiculturalism whose boundaries often do not go beyond the urban spheres that
are of interest to the managers and professionals of the investing global
corporation – leisure, entertainment and consumption.
Cosmo-multiculturalism is a form of
multiculturalism devoid of political and historical content. Instead it is associated with an urban
setting and defined by the consumption of an aestheticised otherness which
‘operates as an indicator of class position and especially…of the degree of
accumulation of economic and cosmopolitan capital’ (Hage 1997, p. 126). The appeal of the lanes, conveyed in
promotional material such as Postcards
embodies middle-class, consumerist dreams of distinguished consumption that
serve to project an image of who belongs to laneways and who the desired Melbourne
citizen should be.
At another level, the seductive appeal
of Melbourne’s laneways constructs and feeds desires for individual
transformation. The television
advertisement produced for That’s
Me!bourne promoted retail activity in the city. The narrative of the advertisement, conveys
another layer of the laneway promise; the advertisement begins with an
individual Anglo man or woman embarking on public transport and entering the
city. In the lanes they experience a
‘make-over’ in which the ‘image’ of an average Melbournian is remade from
suburban banal into urban cool. The ad
illustrates a narrative which promises individual self-transformation and
desirability. The phrase ‘find yourself
in the city’, which appears at the end of the advertisement, suggests that the
‘real you’ can be uncovered in these laneways: a sophisticated, cultured and
desirable ‘real you’ as opposed to average, drab and suburban. These sparkling images of laneway
couture/culture privilege beauty, youth and wealth. It establishes a mimetic relationship between
the individual and the city, the effect of which is reinforced by the playful
name ‘That’s Me!bourne’ weaving
together the fate of both the individual and the city and suggesting in its
promise that at the heart of the identity of both city and ‘ordinary Aussie’ is
the ability to be beautiful and sophisticated.
The successful transformation of these ‘ordinary Aussies’ in the
advertisements thus projects a successful outlook for the city’s own desired
transformation.
‘It
looks like we’re in Europe’: experiencing the laneways and the tourist’s gaze
Eating and
drinking other cultures may be envisioned by the Postcards team as one way of experiencing a plethora of places in
the lanes, but the visual consumption of the laneways is also important:
It looks like we’re in Europe! (Postcards 2005).
One of the best looking lanes in
the city is Centre Plaza …Centre Plaza looks kind of European, quite light and
colourful but still old fashioned with its nouveau- Art Deco lamps that turn
orange then white at dusk (Griffin et al. 1994, p. 13).
 
Figure 1: Centre Plaza, Melbourne [1]
Figure 2: Block Place, Melbourne
One of the prettiest lanes is
Block Place, which gives a decent impression of a Medieval European Street
(Brown-May 2005).
Like the food, wine and fashion in the
lanes, the building facades are similarly consumed as uprooted signifiers (Ley
1996). The multitude buildings and
structures in the lanes compress different European places, styles and
times. The urban character of Melbourne
is defined by a pastiche of picturesque stereotypes and images of multiple
versions of Europe. Sophistication and
urban character are thus associated with the ‘Euro-look’, which in one way
retraces the colonial racism of enlightenment beliefs.
Michael Symonds’ (1997) work on the
European logic of cities and the western suburbs in Sydney highlights the way
that the city is seen to be the place that resembles ‘Europe’: a central space
of high-culture and civilisation as opposed to the western suburbs that are
seen to resemble the Australian bush.
Modernity and sophistication are hence located in the ‘classy’ Euro-look
of the city centres. The appeal of the
laneways lies in the way they look and feel ‘European’, they are both consumed
and constructed as the quintessential urban space of the city. In another sense, desires to locate images of
European cities in the visual landscape of Melbourne’s lanes reveal some
longstanding anxieties that, at an international level, Australia is viewed as
a primitive backwater incapable of producing its own urban centres.
Desires to discover a ‘European city’
in Melbourne were and still are spatialised into the lanes. They are intertwined with the desire to
believe that Melbourne is one of the major urban centres of the Southern Hemisphere. Such desires can be traced along one
retrospective trajectory to the nineteenth century when the laneways and little
streets of Melbourne were likened to the back alleys of Victorian London. Though the lanes and alleys were avoided by
‘respectable Melbournians’ in the nineteenth century, they also signified to
some that Melbourne had in the lanes its own version of London’s slum
district. ‘Marvellous Melbourne’ could
thus be compared to its imperial ‘equivalent’ in a discourse often played out
as a ‘confrontation between civilised London and aspiring Melbourne’ (Davison
1978). Popular fiction novels, such as The Mystery of a Hansom Cab set in
Melbourne’s lanes, further fuelled images connecting the city’s lanes and the
back alleys of London (Arnold & Irving 2001, p. 6).
The image of the lanes as evocative of
other places has often been appropriated for the romanticisation of Melbourne’s
identity and urban character. In Melbourne Street Life, Brown-May (1998,
p. 21) states:
Where the slummer journalists and
tourists of the nineteenth century…braved the city’s back streets…the reformed
street which for some equated with wholesomeness, could to others appear quite
heartless.
The ‘character and texture’ of the city
is seen to be found in the transgressive spaces of laneways. In the past as well as the present then,
laneways have been appropriated, imagined and consumed as filmic, visual
settings of other places. The laneways
appeal has often been determined by the public imagination of ‘other places’
and ‘other cities’ as part of Melbourne’s wider aspirations.
Present images of Melbourne’s laneways
utilise the metaphor of travel: laneways are to be ‘explored’ and ‘discovered’,
they are ‘intimate’ and ‘secretive’.
Their ‘charm’ lies in the notion that to enter laneways is to enter
another place and world. John Urry
(1995, p. 164) describes the visual consumption of a plethora of ‘places’ as
‘travel in hyper-reality’, and the popular experience of laneways in many ways
positions the consumer as a tourist.
Richard Butler Bowden, an artist who has lived and worked in the
laneways off Flinders Lane (Bridie 2003, p. 31), states that he specialises in:
exploring a familiar exotic, how
the contemporary Australian doesn’t need to travel to experience what we
perceive as being exotic. It is all
around us in the streetscapes of Melbourne (City Lights Project [online] 2005)
One way we can understand Butler
Bowden’s experience of the exotic in the streets and lanes of Melbourne is that
it positions him as an imaginary tourist enjoying the consumption of the
streetscapes and lane-scapes. Urry
(1995, p. 149) argues, however, that the visual consumption of such uprooted
signs and images not only ‘problematises the relationship between
representations and reality’ but also makes tourism part of the everyday
experience. As Urry (1995, p. 149)
states, ‘what is consumed in tourism are visual signs and sometimes simulacrum:
and this is what is consumed when we are supposedly not acting as tourists at
all’. Places like the laneways can be
remade and then consumed as objects for the tourist’s gaze (Urry 1995, p.164)
thereby framing the laneways experience and discussions about urban identity
primarily in the realm of leisure and consumption.
Matthew Rofe’s (2003) study on the
gentrification of Sydney’s Glebe, suggests that one of the ways in which ‘the
gentrifiers’ identified themselves as cosmopolitan was through the idea of
being a member of an international group of upwardly mobile global
citizens. In an interview, a resident of
Glebe stated:
Glebe is a vibrant happening
place which is going global. The people,
the lifestyle, the attitudes mark Glebe as a global suburb. The same types of lifestyles can be found in
New York, London or LA. People from
Glebe could go to these places and feel at home (Rofe 2003, p. 2521)
Similar to the gentrifying residents of
Glebe and their desire for ‘membership’ of the ‘global city lifestyle’ club,
the symbolic capital of Melbourne’s laneways is also geared towards the
creation of a cosmopolitan identity that draws upon a desire to ‘rub shoulders’
with cities of international repute and to model our own city on these cities
formed by the tourist’s gaze.
AC/DC
Lane: the making of Melbourne as a ‘world city’
In many ways, the appealing imagery
surrounding Melbourne’s laneways are a product formed by fantasies of
sophistication, and desires for other places and times. There have also been recent attempts to give
certain lanes an iconic status. An
example of this is the renaming of Corporation Lane, which runs off Flinders
Lane towards the south-eastern side of the city. In October 2004, the City Council decided to
have Corporation Lane renamed AC/DC Lane to honour the rock band AC~DC (Age 17 Nov. 2004). The occasion was marked by a number of
Australian bands playing at the Cherry Bar, which is located within the
lane. At its current address for five
years, the Bar occupies a building that was formerly part of the area’s
prolific Jewish rag trade, and is described as ‘Melbourne’s authentic rock bar’
(Melbourne CitySearch [online] 2005). Choosing
Corporation Lane for the name change is thus an obvious choice. It shores up a sense of the lane’s new
identity and promotes business in the area.
The proprietor of the Cherry Bar states that the Lane has been
photographed more since its transformation to AC/DC Lane (Walsh 2005). The name change is thus a place-making
strategy, positive for the owners of the small businesses in and around the
lane, but also aimed at making a landmark of the laneway and further sustaining
the laneway marketing already explored.
More recent acts, designating AC/DC
Lane as a part of Melbourne’s heritage highlight the problematic nature of such
place-making strategies. At the first
anniversary of AC/DC Lane in October 2005, the Mayor donated the street signage
to the National Archive of Film and Sound (City of Melbourne Media website, 31
October 2005). It was the National
Archive’s first ever street sign. The
rationale for the donation was presented in a Melbourne City Council report,
which found the name change to be in tune with the city’s historical and
cultural policy, as the band has ‘strong links with Melbourne’ and the lane is
in the heart of the city’s bar and rock district (Age 8 July. 2004). AC~DC does have
genuine links to Melbourne, most particularly with the bayside suburb of St
Kilda, where the band spent some time in the 1970s. Nevertheless, the donation of the street sign
to the National Archives, only one year after its re-naming, appears to be more
a canny marketing strategy than an attempt to acknowledge any genuine sense of
history.
In this sense, the metaphor of the
‘real-estate agent’ proposed by David Lowenthal (1985, p. 4) in his study of
the past, is useful for describing the City Council’s actions:
If the past is a foreign country,
nostalgia has made it the foreign country with the healthiest tourist trade of
all… Nostalgia’s profitability incites
real estate agents to drum up interest by digging out every shred of history
whether the connection be with a king or a pop star.
The process of renaming Corporation
Lane as AC/DC Lane, and claiming that it is an important part of the city’s
heritage, reflects and performs a very superficial image and idea of
heritage. History and past experiences,
to use David Harvey’s (1998, p. 4) words, ‘are turned into a seemingly vast
archive instantly retrievable and capable of being consumed…in any kind of
order’. Heritage thus became a useful
resource for the City Council’s marketing strategies to promote the new
identity of the lanes and market the city’s newest asset, a thriving laneway/
bar industry.
The name change is in itself a
marketing strategy for the laneways and, at a wider level, for Melbourne’s
urban identity which banks on the international success of AC~DC. At the handover presentation of the signage
to the National Archive, the Mayor claimed: ‘ACDC [sic] Lane is one
of Melbourne’s newest icons and an international tourist attraction…it has
become an important part of Melbourne’s culture’ (City of Melbourne [online], 31 October 2005). The naming of
a lane after a rock band not only creates an internationally recognisable icon
for tourists, it also implies membership of a string of cities in Europe and
America which also have streets named after rock bands. There is a street named after AC~DC in Madrid;
New York has a street named after Joey Ramone; and in the UK a street is named
after rock band The Darkness (Cashmere [online] 2004).
The creation of Melbourne’s own AC/DC
Lane represents a desire to lay claim to AC~DC’s international appeal and be
counted as a ‘world city’ in the global hierarchy of such cities. As Sharon Zukin (1995) points out, ‘in such
cities as New York and Los Angeles, the presence of artists documents a claim
to these cities’ status in the global hierarchy’. In this instance, renaming the lane was a way
for City Councillors to boast that Melbourne is a global city. The Mayor is also considering renaming more
lanes after famous Australian celebrities and sporting heroes (City of Melbourne [online], 31 October 2005). Such
deliberate strategies to ‘lay claim’ to a set of internationally renowned
artists are, at a wider level, an effect of globalisation. As Kim Dovey (1999, p. 158) writes, in the
context of the increasing power of global cities as ‘command and control
centres’, cities like Melbourne are vying to occupy the lower rungs of the
hierarchy of world cities.
City identities are therefore
increasingly made appealing through marketable images of place, in which the
culture and the arts thrive as businesses dedicated to leisure and
consumption. As Zukin (1995, p. 2)
states ‘culture is more and more the business of cities – the basis of their
tourist attractions and their unique competitive edge’. Governments need to attract what has
variously been termed as ‘footloose capital’ (Zukin 1995), ‘flexible capital’
(Dovey 1999) or ‘transcendental capital’ (Hage 2000). The laneways’ appeal is crafted and consumed
within the context of international and inter-city competitions to attract and
retain global professionals. Hage (2000,
pp. 110-1) states:
Inviting transcendental capitalism to land in their aestheticised cities, [governments] also make sure to say: I can
provide your multicultural workers with the tallest buildings which offer
unbeatable views…grooviest coffee shops…most culturally diverse culinary scene.
The seductive language, images and the
particular practices on offer in the lanes reflect the need to attract global
capital, thereby also ‘fudging the boundaries between culture and commerce’
(Dovey 1999, p. 160). Culture becomes,
in this instance, secondary to commercial imperatives.
Griffin et al. (1994, p. 15) wrote in
their guide to laneways, ‘Sydney doesn’t have them, neither does Adelaide. They’re ours’. How unique, however, are the laneways as a
cultural feature of Melbourne? Laneways
are seen as an asset that gives Melbourne a competitive edge but they also
suggest the increasing homogenisation of cities. As Briavel Holcomb (1994, pp. 115-6) states:
An examination of these marketing
materials reveals striking similarities in the images projected. Cities which are, in reality, distinctly
different, become homogenised... This,
in turn creates the problem of parity marketing. If your ‘product’ is essentially the same as
that of your competitors…the challenge is to create distinctiveness…So cities
claim both generic ‘good business’ qualities and distinctive ‘unique’ assets.
In the context of inter-city rivalry
for global capital, Melbourne’s laneways are perhaps becoming increasingly
standardised according to the marketing paradigms of ‘product placement’, so
that finally, as Wood and Dovey (2005, p. 214) argue, ‘the nature of the
product is often of less consequence than its branding’. The profitable and seductive image of
Melbourne’s lanes represent an increasingly blurred boundary between what might
be the real experiences of the lanes and what is implemented and marketed to
entice local and international investment.
The (re)creation of laneways within
large retail centres in the city indicates the increasing standardisation of
the laneways image and experience, as well as the possible homogenisation of
the urban landscape and experience. QV,
the new Queen Victoria centre bordering the major thoroughfares of Swanston and
Lonsdale Streets, incorporates a number of laneways designed to weave through
the ground-floor of the complex. The
interior layout of the redeveloped Melbourne Central is premised also on the replication
of laneways, and has alleys and lanes weaving around and into the central
building. In the Australasian Business Intelligence Magazine, laneways have been
described as ‘the narrow road to profit’; they are a popular and profitable
form of a shopping strip (Lindsay
2004). In her recent thesis on
Melbourne’s laneways, Jenafer Matthews (2005) analysed the commodification of
laneways. She interviewed a number of
designers and architects working on the two projects and notes that the
laneways were produced with a particular target market in mind, young, upwardly
mobile, professional, singles. Matthews
study supports the argument that the lanes are becoming increasingly gentrified
spaces of middle-class consumption, wherein the identity of the city and of its
citizens are framed by such aspirations.
Figure
3: Albert Coates Lane, QV Building
Figure 4:
Menzies Alley, Melbourne Central
Melbourne has been described as a city
‘on the move’, as the ‘world’s most liveable city’ and as the ‘culture capital’
of Australia (Dovey 1999). Examples used
here illustrate the ways in which the seductive imagery of the laneways has been
harnessed to such popular statements and to wider economic imperatives to
attract global investments. As a form of
symbolic capital, the laneways are both experienced and crafted as places of
possibility, where the desires of the individual for themselves and for the
city – what they ‘could be’ and ‘might be’ – are played out. The seductive image of Melbourne’s lanes
continues to be developed as the epitome of urban sophistication, feeding and
constructing desires for the transformation and distinction of the individual
and the city. As Wood and Dovey (2005,
p. 215) argue in their analysis of the Docklands project, the laneways are
constructed similarly by affect-laden images producing and reproducing desires
that come to colonise the actual experiences: ‘the various flows that converge
to produce any place’. The seduction of
Melbourne’s laneways has allowed a profitable image of sophistication and
distinction to prevail, for the time being at least, over other multiple,
actual and imagined experiences of the lanes both past and present.
NOTES
1 All images were produced by the author.
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Editorial 